The end of the root of Assad’s tyranny is associated with the overthrow of the Iranian regime, end of its sectarian scheme and its militias

When the Assad authoritarian regime made its decision to confront the Syrian people’s demands for freedom and dignity, knew that its war was losing, so they planned from the beginning to enlist the help of its allies, who intersect with it in one of its two existential states, the first of which has a sectarian (Shia) root, and the second with a mafio-like totalitarian rule similar to that of Putin.

In the first case, the Assad regime’s relationship with Khomeinist Iran began under the father Assad, and its goal was to create a political-military balance that would prevent neighboring Arab countries from provoking the Syrian people, the majority of whom do not belong to the Shiite root.

This stereotype of thinking underscores two important issues: that the father Assad regime was aware that it would not be able on its own to govern the country as representing the country’s general minority whose general proportion of the country does not exceed eight percent of Syria’s total population, meaning that the prospect of its fall as an illegitimate regime came through a military coup is highly likely.

It is this Assadist mental pattern that made him stand by Iran in the Iran-Iraq War, in order to weaken and possibly bring down his rival Baathist regime in Baghdad, as weak rule is always looking for elements of power from outside it that will help it continue.

This situation took root with the Assad regime as Syrian political Islam fought its battle against the regime, which took on a character that the regime wanted to portray as a struggle between reactionary anti-socialist forces in the country, and in this case, gave strength to the regime on more than one level.

The first level showed the Assad regime itself as the fortress of building socialism, and that those fighting it were forces linked to world imperialism as stated in all its speeches, which helped it mobilize political forces affiliated with the left, which helped to neutralize the popular majority that political Islam could not at the time convince the people of its sectarian slogans, the time of which had not yet matured.

The second level is that the regime has strengthened and deepened the role of its various security agencies to engage in the battle on the same declared principles, which helped it to increase the area of security repression and muzzle mouths, and to consolidate the concept of a security state at that stage.

These two levels shortened the construction of political power before the battle with political Islam, where the role of the ruling Baath Party and the role of unions and non-military institutions in governance declined, and at the same time the role and intervention of the security services in all the joints of the state and society strengthened, making the main decision in governance directly related to the person of Assad the father as they called him the “father leader.”

This statement transformed the political power in the Syrian state into an authoritarian oligarchy, which began to invade the life of the state and society, paralyzing the movement of its development inconsistent with the objectives of this oligarchy, and this means disrupting the development of the productive forces and the processes of economic production and the consequent political, social, cultural and intellectual developments.

This system in its image built by the father Assad passed to the third Assad with some modifications to the economic situation, as the ruling class is not a social class that developed in its historical context such as the bourgeoisie, peasant, labor and even the great capitalist classes, but around power were arms made by the regime itself and linked its interests to its interests and existence, whether the bourgeoisie created in Aleppo and Damascus, which linked its economic activity to a process of effective partnership with the ruling military security system. Therefore, wealth began to be concentrated in the hands of the few associated with the regime, a wealth that was mainly a wealth plundered by this regime in various ways, making them in some ways like businessmen.

It is this sharp social division, with its severe unemployment and corruption in the organs of the State and society, that has generated the popular protest force that exploded in the face of the so-called “social economy”, where the number of unemployed increased and bribes increased openly in order to carry out legal transactions that would not have been possible without paying these bribes.

This prevailing economic and social situation at the time, characterized by administrative and moral degeneration, was accompanied by an increase in the role of the security grip, and the expansion of the role of the sect to which the regime belongs, so that the state seemed to be an economic, functional, scientific, social, military and security investment field belonging to this community, as evidenced by the control of the members of this sect loyal to the Assad regime over all the joints of the state, economy, security and army.

It was here that the popular protest movement of the majority of Syrians of all sects, including the oppressed and crushed part of the regime’s sect, began, which left it in a real state of terror, and it had to crush the beginnings of these protests to settle down to rule again.

The recklessness of the brutal security services with demonstrators and protesters, and the inability of the regime with its closed structure to open up to partial reforms helped spread the protest movement into a massive popular revolution.

The regime has two paths, either to make fundamental concessions to the revolutionary movement, or to confront it with extreme violence, so it chose the second case unaware that it would not be able to break away on its dangerous and bloody slope, so when the state of its fall approached, he asked for the intervention of forces similar to him sectarianly such as the sectarian Lebanese Hezbollah, and then reaped the jealousy of Shiite militias from multiple countries under abhorrent sectarian names (Zainabiyoun, Fatemiyoun, Revolutionary Guards, etc.).

These militias and the Iranian role would not have been able to withstand without the Russian intervention of the Putin dictatorship in the last quarter of 2015.

This situation has attracted regional and international powers with different agendas and from different preludes, and these forces the forces of the revolution and the opposition to hold a Syrian national conference to discuss the complexities of the Syrian situation and search for effective solutions that will bring out the stalemate of the political solution and push the cart of this situation towards the implementation of international resolutions related to the Syrian situation.

Any political transition in Syria through a government of national unity, from honest patriots who believe in the necessity of comprehensive change, pushing for the construction of a new homeland Syria on sound, correct, advanced and non-sectarian foundations, will make the existence of all Iranian-backed sectarian militias, the Iranian role and foreign military powers the subject of international accusation, and therefore will be forced under a new government under Resolution 2254 to leave Syria unconditionally, or it will find itself facing a crushing military process for which the Syrian people are mobilized behind their serious patriotic leadership.

For this to be achieved, these Syrians, who believe in the necessity of comprehensive change and the construction of a new Syria, must find an international party that adopts and believes in their plan and goal, sympathizes with them and shares their vision and path. An international party that will embrace them and endorse them. A party that is well aware of the danger of the next Iranian threat. This, in turn, requires these Syrians to create an ineradicable conceptual, ideological and strategic alliance with this international party, which one of whose main objectives is to form a national salvation army to expel the Iranian presence with its militias from Syria. The way to achieve this may collide with the fierce defense of the Iranian regime, therefore the Syrians will have to shoulder the responsibility of implementing a comprehensive and concluding solution by working to confront the Iranian regime with the support of international allies.

The stability of the Arab region and the world will not be achieved unless this confrontation takes place. Hence, we say that the path of toppling the root of the Assad despotism regime is inseparable from and must be accompanied by the removal and expulsion of Iranian sectarian militias in Syria. And because this will clash with the Iranian great scheme and its domination plans in the region, it will oblige the Syrians to follow the path of a comprehensive and concluding solution, with allies support, to support the Iranian people liberating themselves from the tyranny and terrorism of their regime, so that the new Syria will be a beacon of the path of freedom for the peoples of the region through which the generations of Syrians walk.

Sectarianism and all that Iran and its Shiite allies have done for will be just a free waste at the expense of the hungry and now rebellious Iranian people in all cities against a prehistoric regime, a hateful sectarian religious system that hates man and his freedoms and wants him as an obedient slave to a regime based on the illusion of the return of Mahdi al-Muntazer, that is, waiting for Godot.